Category Archives: Story

Deportation of US based Author a Diplomatic & Political Blunder

Cameroon- Yaounde: Early this morning, the prosecutor at the Yaounde appeal court  ordered for a halt in the legal proceedings against social activist Patrice Nganang. This news was received with mix feelings when it was announced over the National Radio that it was based on the decision by the Minister of Justice Lauren Esso and that Patrice was obliged to leave the country with immediate effect.

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The news of his release hit the waves of other international media especially based on the reasons for his arrest for allegedly threatening the life of a Long serving Cameroon President Paul Biya. Patrice Nganang was stopped from boarding his flight at the Douala International airport early this month 7th December 2017 until his release today. Nganang Patrice’s hearing was slated for 19th January 2018.

Although no reasons were advanced for his release, but the pressure from the international community and his students at New York’s Stony Brook University were associated with the release. This was a strong case of human right violation as the person in question was a human right activist.

Patrice Nganang (archive shot)

Nganang who now possesses a dual nationality Cameroon and USA was expelled from his original country Cameroon as Cameroon does not accept double citizenship his lawyer, Emmanuel Simh said. He added that his Cameroon passport was confiscated from him as well.

His release has exposed the lawless state of Cameroon where individuals sit and make laws in their offices and private homes and can override the role of the Parliament and Senate. A glaring example in the case with Nganang whose release was instructed by the Justice Minister and not the Court. The same is of Paul Ayah whose case could not get through the court because of the same Justice minister.

Worth noting that Nganang’s arrest was linked to his sympathy for the Anglophone crisis that started with the Lawyers and Teachers’ strike October 2016. These same people have deliberately with the sitting president for 35 years in power, the Parliament, the senate vehemently refused to admit and deliberate on the Crisis. The consequences has been the declaration of war against the anglophones whom they now called secessionists and terrorists, the war which has weighed a lot on the regime that has refused to call for an inclusive and sincere dialogue.

Expelling Nganang from Cameroon and the seizure of his passport has questioned its fairness as it is alleged that three quarters of Cameroon Ministers and its president all possess a foreign Nationality including players like Samuel Eto, Carlos Idriss Kamene and a host of others. There are a few  who have argued that Cameroonians with foreign nationality should not involve in the affairs of the state of Cameroon, but this has been challenged by asking those ministers and politicians with the same portfolios to teach with examples and respect the law they interpret only against the diaspora. One reliable source his asked to be kept anonymous said from Yaounde…” We have seen the Justice minister himself and Roger Milla go to vote at the french Embassy here in Yaounde.” The case of Prince  Eyango is still very fresh in their memories.

Therefore this action from the Cameroon regime is not only politically dangerous but a big blunder in the diplomatic politics and will come to play against its actions.

Shey Tatah Sevidzem

 

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La Rep Du Cameroon loses the force of Argument

Keeping them Honest: Beyond French and English language
Cameroon was two different nations with two distinct histories
The ongoing genocide in Southern Cameroons has dealt a devastating blow to any claim by those propagating the big, fat lie that Cameroon is one, united and indivisible.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

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The regime in Yaoundé has totally lost the force of argument. Its blind use of the argument of force; the only option left for it, will fail because violence has never successfully prevented a people yearning for freedom from achieving it. It is important to remind French Cameroun politicians who hardly draw lessons from history that Cameroon was a union of two distinct nations involving two different peoples with two different histories and political culture, beyond French and English languages. Great efforts were made by East and West Cameroon to develop their resources and use same to better the lot of their people, as there was a sense of healthy competition among the two federating states. It is just enough to say that by unilaterally abrogating the federation in 1972, Ahidjo snatched defeat from the jaws of victory and Cameroon’s manifest rendezvous with glory was halted. This was probably the most wicked act ever perpetrated against Southern Cameroons and current efforts to defend this anomaly only gives a bad name to democracy as a government of the people; for the people and by the people.

After unification in 1961, French Cameroun and Southern Cameroons were developing at their own pace, under a federal system of government and the two nations were never one and indivisible. That French Cameroun lacked the main foundation of nationhood owing to the absence of a sense of belonging to one entity, as tribal loyalty competed with national cohesion, is a fact that contrasts markedly with the political maturity in Southern Cameroons. No one can dispute the abysmal level of understanding of French Cameroun politicians when it comes to the majesty of democracy. No one should be surprised, therefore, at their lack of sophistication in its practice. The French Cameroun political class has shown an impetuous proclivity to foster a recruitment process that allows the worst to access public offices. Politics in French Cameroun was so much debased that electoral competition was an odious rat race or an all-comers affair of tribal jingoists, political hangers-on and sundry jobbers, all lacking in the requisite knowledge for leadership and governance.

Unlike Southern Cameroon, primordial sentiments animated French Cameroun politics. In the 1956 elections into the French Cameroun parliament, Ahidjo’s UC party which won the majority was a loose amalgam of contending tribal interests comprising – Union de Diamare (Jean Akassou, Maigari Bello, Yaya Daicro, Kakiang Wappi, Mohamadou Ousmanou, Yerima Daicro, Ninine Jules and Guyard Joseph); Union de Bamoun, (Arouna Njoya and Seidou Njimoulouh Njoya); Union de Defense des Interests de la Benoue(Ahidjo, Babale Ousmanou, Buhari Bouba, Haman Aboubakari, Hadji Mohaman, Rene Tagrand); Defense des Interests de Logone et Chari (Garba Gueime, Sultan Marouf Youssouf); Union de L’Adamawa (Alfred Mandon, Nana Djafarou, Adamu Iyawa, Sekou Cheick); Defense des Interests de Margui-Wandala (Talba Malla, Haman Adama, Bobo Souaibo, Lamine Yerima, Andoulaye Yero, Amaoua Abdoulaye.

Andre-Marie Mbida’s party platform was basically a coalition of tribal groups which elected Gaston Medou & Ebo Ndoundoumou (Action Paysanne de Dja et Lobo); Marigoh Mboua, Ndibo Mbarsola (Defense des Interests de Lom et Kadei); Pierre Yinda, Yakana Jacques (Union Social pour la Lumiere, le Progres et Fraternite du Mbam); Jean-Baptiste Mabaya, Pierre Ninekam (Independante pour la Defense des Interests du Pays du Haut-Nkam). Also elected were Chief Djoumessi Mathias, Marcel Lagarde (Défense des Interests Bamiléké in Dschang ; Etienne Djuatio, Imatha Jean (Defense des Interests de Mbouda); Kamga Joseph, Pierre Ngayewang, Samuel Wanko (Union et Progress Bamileke in Bafoussam); Ekwabi Ewane, Gaston Behle (Auctotones des Moungo); Charles Assale, Francois Obam (Union Nationale in Ntem Valley) and Betote Akwa, Soppo Priso in Wouri. Needless to say there was no political party in Southern Cameroons, created to specifically articulate and defend tribal or sectional interests.

Besides, while French Camerounians were electing Frenchmen to represent them in parliament, the March 1957 elections into the SCHA produced a constellation of candidates representing the different political parties which served as platforms for nation-building ideas and a breeding ground for leadership and policy articulation. There was a robust opposition which was the motor-force of democracy. In Victoria Division, Dr. EML Endeley (KNC) and PM Motomby-Wolete (KPP) were elected. NN Mbile (KPP) and FN Ajebe Sone (KNC) were elected in Kumba; Ambrose Fonge (KNDP) and SA Arrey (KNC) emerged from Mamfe. In Bamenda Division, ST Muna (KNC), VT Lainjo (KNC) and JN Foncha (KNDP) were elected; in Wum, two KNDP stalwarts, AN Jua and P Mua were elected; in Nkambe, Ando-Seh (KNC) and P Nsakwa (KNDP) were elected. Five of the six elected NA members were KNC – JM Mukambi (Kba), TC Lekunze (Mfe), HD Tankoh Tah (Bda), JE Kum (Wum) and W Nformi (Nkambe). John Manga-Williams (Victoria) was an Independent. Power alternation was one of the cornerstones of Southern Cameroons democracy because of the presence of a strong opposition with a distinct ideology and policy to the governing party.

Such a vibrant opposition was nonexistent in French Cameroun. For example, in the April 1960 elections into ALCAM, there were no competitions for the 44 seats in the North where Ahidjo’s UC party held sway. Once Ahidjo with the support of Aujoulat took over the UC leadership from Ninine Jules, his strategy was to cripple the opposition. By 1963, Ahidjo had virtually stifled all political parties and there was just one party in French Cameroun. In a streak of authoritarian madness, Ahidjo then undertook an insidious lynching of West Cameroon democracy in 1966 when all political parties were disbanded to form the CNU. The Federal Republic of Cameroon officially became a one-party state. Going forward, power, money and vanity became instruments of statecraft in the hands of CNU barons.

In addition, the Southern Cameroons civil service was very apolitical. Cabinet Secretaries were career politicians but the bureaucracy was run by Permanent Secretaries, who were not allowed to participate in politics. This tradition was maintained after unification as PJ Alpress, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Natural Resources was appointed Chief Electoral Officer for the first post-independence election under the federated state of West Cameroon in December 1961. The reverse was true in French Cameroon where at independence in I960, a civil servant, Ahmadou Ahidjo, was handpicked by the French to become head of state. The tribalism, impunity, nepotism, abusive patronage and notorious corruption that is the official currency of governance in Cameroon today had its roots deeply embedded in the political culture of French Cameroun, where political leaders drew their electoral strength from tribal associations like Ngondo (Soppo Priso); Kumze (Chief Djoumessi Mathias); Bassa Mpo’o (Mayi Matip); Efoula Meyong (Charles Assale) and Koupé (Ekwabi Ewane).

And unlike in East Cameroun where traditional rulers were appointed by the colonial government and forced to wear official uniforms with ranks on their epaulets, the West Cameroon House of Chiefs was an integral part of the governance architecture and served as a quasi-upper legislative chamber. It is trite to say that there can be no democracy without democrats. Southern Cameroons having entrenched the democratic culture and ethos, a man could leave office, but the institution stays. In circumstances such as this, there is usually a predilection to invoke primordial sentiments that are inimical to nation-building. To the ordinary Francophone, government is a profit-making business and political power is a selfish tribal equation, where holders of high public office have to cater to the tribe above all else. Southern Cameroonians see high public office as a call to service; whereas to Francophones, a cabinet appointment is an invitation to “come and chop.” It was normal for an incoming Minister in French Cameroun to replace all his top-ranking collaborators with his tribesmen because “it is their turn to chop.” In such situation, the stress to governance and efficient delivery of democracy dividends from sycophancy, indiscipline, corruption and mediocrity cannot be over-emphasized.

Despite the preachments of Francophone politicians about the imperative of a one, united and indivisible Cameroon, the ethnic reactionary politics of self-preservation still pervades their psyche. A very telling situation that was a national embarrassment was when President Biya publicly declared all-out war against Anglophone terrorists. That Biya would descend to such shameless demonization of Anglophones, especially amid the ongoing genocide when the nation is in mourning and sober soul-searching, is the height of insensitivity and sheer dishonor for the dead and brutalized. In the judgment of an average sense of decency, Biya’s action is a moral weakness of asinine proportion.

In conclusion, a nation can never outgrow the performance of its leader. Such is Cameroon’s tragedy at the moment. The failure of leadership by the President, who by authority is assumed to be the father of the nation, is highly disturbing. If the president views Anglophones with such hatred, does it therefore surprise anyone why some of the president’s henchmen have been beating the drums of war? Given his apathetic refusal to dialogue, Biya wittingly or unwittingly sent a message of disdain and unwelcome to all Anglophones, including those in his cabinet, that they are terrorists, instead of patriotic citizens with a different vision on how the nation should be governed. Biya’s depth of ill feeling towards Anglophones is unhealthy for a nation in distress. He must therefore be told in whatever language he understands that Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon are not one, united and indivisible; never were, and never will be one, united and indivisible!

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Cameroon: Nso: Titles in the Paramount Fondom of Nso (part 4) Yah

If you missed part one to three on Nso Titles, do not worry, you can still read part 1 here; part 2 here; and part 3 here;

II-3. YAH

There are many categories of Yahs, almost all of whom derived directly from the palace in earlier years. Of late, beginning with Ngah Bifon I (1910-1947) Yahships have been awarded to certain important lineages without regard to direct derivation from the royal lineage.

Yah Yefons

The highest-ranking Yah is Yah Yefon (Fengay or Queen Mother). She is the third ranking personality in the land (after Shufai Ndzendzev and Shufai Taankum) by status, administrative and religious function.

Upon assuming the throne the Fon appoints a Yah Yefon from among his female  children or  his sisters if his birth mother is no longer alive. Yah Yefon is treated like a Fon in all aspects except in special greeting (“bun”). She represents Yee Nso (Ngon Nso), the founder of the Nso dynasty.

The present Yah Yefons that are still alive today are; (At the time this article was written)

Yah Yefon Sehm Mbinglo I

Yah Yefon Ngah Bifon III

Yah Yefon Ngah Bifon II (Yah Adela Nsaidzeka Meyeh)

Yah Yefon Sehm III (Yah Rose Wirnkar)

Yah Yefon Ngah Bifon I (Yah wo Faa)

Yah Yefon Mapri (Yah wo Nso La)

The next Yah in rank is the Yah Yeewong  (mother of Nso). She is the second representative of  Yee Nso (Ngon Nso), the founder of the Nso dynasty.

When Ngon Nso died around 1421, her son Leh who assumed the throne created the title of Yeewong and Yefon to be combinable and held by a single individual. The two titles were later on separated with Yefon holding the higher title (very silently) and Yah Yeewong the next (very publicly) with  a rank equal to Fai Taawong who is also appointed by the new Fon at the same time as Yeewong.

 A few Yah Yewongs that are still alive today are:

Yah Yeewong Sehm Mbinglo I (Yewong wo Ntoh Nso)

Yah Yeewong Ngah Bifon III

Yah Yeewong Ngah Bifon II

Yah Yeewong Ngah Bifon I (Yeewong wo Kim Kikaikom)

Yah Yeewong Sehm II (Yeewong wo Jem)

Most Yahs of status in Nso today are descendants (inherited) of former Yah Yefons and Yah Yeewongs.

A few notable examples of these reigning Yahs are:

Yah wo Kai Jakiri (Successor of Yeewong wo Nturkui)

Yah wo Abakwa Jakiri (Successor of Yeewong wo Kih Kiyan)

Yah wo Mile 3 Bamenda (Successor of Yeewong wo Roo-Kong)

The next rank of  Yahs is based within the palace household, Yah Nkonin and Yah Yeela (leaders of the Fon’s senior wives – Kfem se Fon). They act as managers of the Fon’s household. These two Yahs must be of Mtaar origin. They also organize the Fon’s farm work in collaboration with the Yeesums.

Every Shufaiship of high standing and with historical underpinnings can also have a Yah. A famous Yah in this category is Yah wo Taankum. It is still unclear why some of the big Shufaiships are allowed to create secondary Yahships but the lineages themselves do not have a Yah of the main lineage compound.

The last category of Yahs are those that are crowned by the Fon in collaboration with the Shufais or Fais. The process of naming and enthroning a Yah is very involved. The Fon cannot name a Yah without approval from the Yah’s lineage or extended family. The Yah needs to do the very public “kibunfon” and a grand “kitar yiy” for the family and the public at large to recognize her as a Yah of standing. Recent examples include the “kibunfon” carried out by Yah wo Shusum (Sov), and Yah wo Mbassy in Nso Palace.

Researched Shey Stephen Shemlon (PHD)

Complied and edited by Shey Tatah Sevidzem

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Reactions to Bishops letter (Very Mixed feelings from West Cameroonians)

The Bishops letter dated 29th April on the current Anglophone crisis has sparked mixed feelings as many believe they still do not understand the problem but playing the moral part on the crisis without understanding the situation. The Bishops are bent on promoting Decentralization and social Dialogue yet ignoring the release of those arrested and demilitarization of the regions yet calling for schools to resume. Many have read this letter and have the following to say:

The Bishops of Cameroon have spoken well, like the respected men of God that they are. They have provided a succinct diagnosis of the problem and rightly noted that it has evolved from a trade union issue to a political, administrative to constitutional issue. We all know that this escalation of the problem is due to the bad faith, excessive violence, murder, mayhem, and disdain of the government. The bishops offer a way out of the crisis that I think is reasonable: a dialogue that concerns the institutional form of the state, and reinforces the separation of powers between the executive, the judiciary, and the legislative. Biya needs to get that off the ground, They also want the state to “decide the destiny of the detainees according to appropriate judicial procedure.”

With all due respect to the men of God, I think they fail to understand the nature of the Biya regime. Biya is has only one way of communication and governance–rule by decree. In 35 years in power, he has not demonstrated a culture of dialogue or compromise. He engages only in monologues. The word dialogue does not exist in Biya’s vocabulary. How can the bishops expect Anglophone civilian political detainees who are charged with death penalty offenses to receive justice in a military tribunal? I fear that the bishops of Cameroon did not read the message the Holy Father, Pope Francis gave to President Biya when he visited the vatican last month. The Pope clearly told Biya to “respect human and minority rights” of Cameroonians! That is a clear reference to the atrocities perpetrated in the Northwest and Southwest regions. http://www.news.va/…/pope-francis-receives-president-of… The Bishops want dialogue between the parties. That is a good thing. There is just one small problem. Who is going to dialogue with the government when the Anglophone leaders are in jail? The Bishops need to tell Paul Biya one Latin phrase: habeas corpus! Release all the Anglophone political detainees. They have to remind him what the Pope told him, namely, that he has to respect human and minority rights in Cameroon. Left to itself, the Anglophone problem is slowly spinning out of control before our very eyes. The bishops of Cameroon mean well, but their message may be too little, too late to move Paul Biya. You can’t teach an old dog new tricks. Lyombe Eko Prof. at Texas Tech University but hails from Buea.

Aboh Anjah Martin questions if the Bishops have the legitimate write to call off the strike;

“Did this bishops organize any strike in Cameroon if no then why is it that they are those trying to call off the strike?”

Mark Bara laments on the letter stating that; “You must have read a certain Communique coming from the Bishops Episcopal conference signed by Bishop Samuel Kleda. They are calling for resumption of schools, end of ghost towns etc. In fact, the wordings of the Bishops sounded exactly like the CPDM government prepared text delivered to them in a holy masked because it failed the test woefully. In fact, we can grade it -5/20…I am by this short notice calling on Southern Cameroonians to reject the Bishops of Cameroon latest communique signed by Bishop Samuel Kleda. That Communique which fails to even call for the release of our people, it does not meet the aspirations of the Southern Cameroons people…The communique from Yaounde signed by Bishop Samuel Kleda is another form of tyranny and slavery. Enough.”

Ndzi Kibuh hammers that “Bishop kheda and his Episcopal council hate the TRUTH, the Bible says know the truth and the truth shall set you free”.

It is worrisome that Bishops with all respect will involve themselves in such dirty political game masterminded by the Biya regime. God is supreme no matter what.” Marie Sengue

“Bishops who do not realize the arrest of innocent citizens, Bishops who do not demand for fair treatment of all are culprits in disguise…” Lestrong WCam

“This is worth nothing… See who is talking about decentralization here? We don pass that stage…. Finally the francophone bishops are simply doing something else. They need to understand what SC needs” Don Papi

I expected u start by urging Biya to release those who can dialogue nonsense.if you want to use God’s name be honest and call a spade a spade” Gillian Lemma

Total nonsense.see Bishops playing politics. at what time are they calling parents to send their children to school.to go study what? At what time?Has the school year not ended or they are talking of next year?they are threatened by the case against them?sorry they are out of topic” Enesto Akanga

Rubbish!!! The bishop that value country stability and financial motivation as school subsidies need to be recalled by God because he has missed the line of his calling already. No single francophone support the freedom of anglophones even their clergy!!! If you are my church leader, you must act in line with Christian norms or we disown you. That we have already done for any one who still wish to enter into covenant with injustice!!!” Grace Siefrank

Its a pity for Cameroon. Bishops are too carried away from the path of the people. What humanity do they want to protect with that crap. Shame to those Bishops”  Illoh Ikenge

Since the crises sparked off 6 months ago, I have been to Church on many occasions and have listen to Mass Intention with captions like:
– For Peace to reign in our beloved country Cameroon
– Asking God to grant peace in Cameroon etc….
Bidding prayers or Prayers of the faithful have also taken same suit and coining. I have NOT heard any Prayer in church supplicating for retributive and equitable Justice. Does this pretext challenges Pope Pius X’s (he himself a Conservative Roman Catholic) assertion that “where there injustice there is no hope of peace because peace is the work of justice”? Cameroon’s painful troubles are embedded in the number of gross unjust and hidden agendas inflicted on Southern Cameroonians for 55 years. Let us do Justice then peace will reign!
” Tangka Eric

Mbilam Samson Jumbam thinks that the letter does not reflect that written by the Bishops of Bamenda Ecclesiastical Province reiterating that; “The current Letter proves nothing but complacency of Francophone Bishops. How long have they taken to react to the Anglophone crises? The message is teleguided. After all, petrol bonds will flow

Shey Tatah Sevidzem

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Peter Esoka is 50 Years as a Journalist but was he jailed?

Today Peter Esoka was at Hello  Cameroon program brought by one of the journalists that admire him Mr Edwin Kindzeka, who met Peter in church and invited him to this program when he learnt that Peter Esoka the Veteran Journalist clocked 50 this year in the field.

In this panel, Peter shared his experience from the 60s when he joined the broadcasting industry, stating that at that time they only did rebroadcast from Nigeria as Cameroon especially Buea where he was reporting never had the resources and equipment. He stated that they reported mostly through imitating the journalists they admired and this probably might have been one of the reasons they went to the field. Although he never intended being a journalist, he was lured to the profession through a friend.

Although they never had professional training like we have today with students graduating with decrees in Communication and Journalism, they had internal training which compared to that time was far better. Far better in the sense that people should not do journalism as a career(to earn a living)alone but as something they like and are committed to it. He expressed the things he should have done better and the things that could be improved.

Peter for the first time cleared off a prejudice i had and which many still believe today, that because of his vocal reports, he was jailed to underground prison and that this even affected his eyes as he almost went blind. This false rumor and belief is still deeply rooted in the minds of many, who claim it was only President Biya who decided to release him.

Peter Esoka today denied these allegations, admitted he did work with President Amadou Ahidjo by reading his speeches in English likewise with President Biya but never was jailed by whoever. He only after 1972 relocated to the USA and returned when President was already in power. Goose pimples were seen all over me as i saw how naive i was and could believe a thing for close to 30 years without investigating  the truth. It took only today to get facts from the horse’s mouth.

Peter today now serves as the president of the communication commission a position he said was met with congratulations from the head of state recently. He has also faced challenges with the decisions of shutting down some media houses in which many believe that has been unfair in doing so. His job has been very challenging as to freedom of expression in the case of Cameroon.

Although Peter did not have a lot of women at the time he started, he later mentioned some that are still very active today in nation building although not in the journalism industry. He ended his panel by reenacting on the importance of journalism. Be truthful, honest and humble. He admitted that journalists could make mistakes but even at that, they should apologize sincerely when they do. He admits that at his time there was no social media but that any serious and committed journalist will fit even in today’s media architect.

One wonders how many journalists today especially in the crtv can truly and sincerely stand to state that they report what is true and facts. Many have been manipulated by the politicians and many have sold their consciences and help in the society that we have today. As we wish Peter Esoka a happy anniversary, we hope that journalists will take to this call for honesty and humility and help to better the society with facts and truths and maybe sincere analysis for the nation building and eradicate corruption and injustices. Journalists should be like the lawyers who stand as the voice of the voiceless.

Shey Tatah Sevidzem

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