Category Archives: Inspiration

Southern (Cameroonians) Validated restoration of their Independence Oct 1st 2018

Southern Cameroons:

It is no longer news to the republic of Cameroun in particular and to the world at large that, on Monday October 1st 2018, all counties in Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia) took to the streets all over the national territory to commemorate the restoration of their Indepemdence which took place last yeat Oct 2017 but met with the barabric colonial forces that massacred more than 1000 unarmed civilians who went out on the street to celebrate with leaves and peace plants. Yesterday was the validation of that event, as they braced all odds despite La republique’s Governors decree and prefectorial orders that banned movements and activities in the two anglophones regions.

An activitiy that was commorated in all counties surprised even their leaders as they had earlier advised the people of Ambazonia to stay indoors and pray for their independence but the people thirty and hungry for Justice, Freedom and peace took to the streets with peace plants and leaves while other counties like Boyo had a well organized event in a field with a fleet of activities from cultural dances to all forms of displays.

This collective action and determination of the Southern Cameroonians have put to rest the “silly” excuse the regime of Cameroon used to hang on as manipulation of the population. Last year close to 2 million people took to the street for this same celebration but met with all forms of atrocities with more than 150 people shot and killed same same.

This year, the event did not go completely hitch free as the military opened fire in some counties like Kumbo, Mezam, Donga mantung and most regrettably Fako where people were grilled in homes burnt down by the barbaric regime.

The people did not relent despite that the president of the republic of Cameroon while on his campaign visit to Maroua the Far north region of that country promised hell to southern cameroonians, that he will crush them after the elections, a sign that those people do not belong to them as he has refused to dialogue with them. First they called them all sorts of names like terrrorist, rebels, manipulators, armed robbers, state breakers etc and now secessionists.

Shey Tatah Sevidzem

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The Bishop of Kumbo takes security measures for his faithful

Bishop of Kumbo: Mgr George Nkuo says church services on Sunday the 7th of October 2018, elections day in Cameroun should take place only on the basis of security, otherwise Sunday Eucharist should be celebrated Saturday the 6th of October as from 3:30 pm while Sunday be used to pray especially the rosary at home with the families.

KD/A-103/2018/29
27th September 2018
To
The Clergy,
Consecrated Men and Women,
The Lay Faithful,
Diocese of Kumbo
Dear Brothers and Sisters in Christ,
Sunday Obligation, 27th Sunday in Ordinary Time
As the times in which we live get even tougher, insecure and uncertain, I use this chance to assure you of my spiritual closeness. In times like these, we must remain close to God, praying with the psalmist that the Lord may give us joy to balance our affliction for the years we have known misfortune (cf. Ps 90:15).
As you may well agree with me, the days ahead do not seem bright but we must face them as Christians that we are. Because of the uncertainty and insecurity, I call on all the parishes to give the Christians the opportunity, on the 27th Sunday in ordinary time, to fulfil their Sunday obligation as from Saturday evening. Sunday Masses, therefore, can be celebrated on Saturday, 06th October 2018 as from 15h30. Of course, Masses on the 07th October 2018 should equally be celebrated within the limits of the security and safety of the faithful.
The 27th Sunday in ordinary time, this year, providentially falls on the feast of Our Lady of Victory (or Our Lady of the Holy Rosary). While we remember the victory She brought at the battle of Lepanto against the Islamic invasion, let us prayerfully turn to her. Let us especially invoke her intercession and seek her maternal protection during this period of crisis in our land. If we remain attached to God, and with Mary as our companion, we will be able to sail through this difficult moment. Take time on Sunday 07th October to pray the rosary with your family.
Do keep safe. We remain united in our prayers.
Yours devotedly in Christ,

+ George Nkuo
Bishop of Kumbo

 

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Deportation of US based Author a Diplomatic & Political Blunder

Cameroon- Yaounde: Early this morning, the prosecutor at the Yaounde appeal court  ordered for a halt in the legal proceedings against social activist Patrice Nganang. This news was received with mix feelings when it was announced over the National Radio that it was based on the decision by the Minister of Justice Lauren Esso and that Patrice was obliged to leave the country with immediate effect.

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The news of his release hit the waves of other international media especially based on the reasons for his arrest for allegedly threatening the life of a Long serving Cameroon President Paul Biya. Patrice Nganang was stopped from boarding his flight at the Douala International airport early this month 7th December 2017 until his release today. Nganang Patrice’s hearing was slated for 19th January 2018.

Although no reasons were advanced for his release, but the pressure from the international community and his students at New York’s Stony Brook University were associated with the release. This was a strong case of human right violation as the person in question was a human right activist.

Patrice Nganang (archive shot)

Nganang who now possesses a dual nationality Cameroon and USA was expelled from his original country Cameroon as Cameroon does not accept double citizenship his lawyer, Emmanuel Simh said. He added that his Cameroon passport was confiscated from him as well.

His release has exposed the lawless state of Cameroon where individuals sit and make laws in their offices and private homes and can override the role of the Parliament and Senate. A glaring example in the case with Nganang whose release was instructed by the Justice Minister and not the Court. The same is of Paul Ayah whose case could not get through the court because of the same Justice minister.

Worth noting that Nganang’s arrest was linked to his sympathy for the Anglophone crisis that started with the Lawyers and Teachers’ strike October 2016. These same people have deliberately with the sitting president for 35 years in power, the Parliament, the senate vehemently refused to admit and deliberate on the Crisis. The consequences has been the declaration of war against the anglophones whom they now called secessionists and terrorists, the war which has weighed a lot on the regime that has refused to call for an inclusive and sincere dialogue.

Expelling Nganang from Cameroon and the seizure of his passport has questioned its fairness as it is alleged that three quarters of Cameroon Ministers and its president all possess a foreign Nationality including players like Samuel Eto, Carlos Idriss Kamene and a host of others. There are a few  who have argued that Cameroonians with foreign nationality should not involve in the affairs of the state of Cameroon, but this has been challenged by asking those ministers and politicians with the same portfolios to teach with examples and respect the law they interpret only against the diaspora. One reliable source his asked to be kept anonymous said from Yaounde…” We have seen the Justice minister himself and Roger Milla go to vote at the french Embassy here in Yaounde.” The case of Prince  Eyango is still very fresh in their memories.

Therefore this action from the Cameroon regime is not only politically dangerous but a big blunder in the diplomatic politics and will come to play against its actions.

Shey Tatah Sevidzem

 

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La Rep Du Cameroon loses the force of Argument

Keeping them Honest: Beyond French and English language
Cameroon was two different nations with two distinct histories
The ongoing genocide in Southern Cameroons has dealt a devastating blow to any claim by those propagating the big, fat lie that Cameroon is one, united and indivisible.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

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The regime in Yaoundé has totally lost the force of argument. Its blind use of the argument of force; the only option left for it, will fail because violence has never successfully prevented a people yearning for freedom from achieving it. It is important to remind French Cameroun politicians who hardly draw lessons from history that Cameroon was a union of two distinct nations involving two different peoples with two different histories and political culture, beyond French and English languages. Great efforts were made by East and West Cameroon to develop their resources and use same to better the lot of their people, as there was a sense of healthy competition among the two federating states. It is just enough to say that by unilaterally abrogating the federation in 1972, Ahidjo snatched defeat from the jaws of victory and Cameroon’s manifest rendezvous with glory was halted. This was probably the most wicked act ever perpetrated against Southern Cameroons and current efforts to defend this anomaly only gives a bad name to democracy as a government of the people; for the people and by the people.

After unification in 1961, French Cameroun and Southern Cameroons were developing at their own pace, under a federal system of government and the two nations were never one and indivisible. That French Cameroun lacked the main foundation of nationhood owing to the absence of a sense of belonging to one entity, as tribal loyalty competed with national cohesion, is a fact that contrasts markedly with the political maturity in Southern Cameroons. No one can dispute the abysmal level of understanding of French Cameroun politicians when it comes to the majesty of democracy. No one should be surprised, therefore, at their lack of sophistication in its practice. The French Cameroun political class has shown an impetuous proclivity to foster a recruitment process that allows the worst to access public offices. Politics in French Cameroun was so much debased that electoral competition was an odious rat race or an all-comers affair of tribal jingoists, political hangers-on and sundry jobbers, all lacking in the requisite knowledge for leadership and governance.

Unlike Southern Cameroon, primordial sentiments animated French Cameroun politics. In the 1956 elections into the French Cameroun parliament, Ahidjo’s UC party which won the majority was a loose amalgam of contending tribal interests comprising – Union de Diamare (Jean Akassou, Maigari Bello, Yaya Daicro, Kakiang Wappi, Mohamadou Ousmanou, Yerima Daicro, Ninine Jules and Guyard Joseph); Union de Bamoun, (Arouna Njoya and Seidou Njimoulouh Njoya); Union de Defense des Interests de la Benoue(Ahidjo, Babale Ousmanou, Buhari Bouba, Haman Aboubakari, Hadji Mohaman, Rene Tagrand); Defense des Interests de Logone et Chari (Garba Gueime, Sultan Marouf Youssouf); Union de L’Adamawa (Alfred Mandon, Nana Djafarou, Adamu Iyawa, Sekou Cheick); Defense des Interests de Margui-Wandala (Talba Malla, Haman Adama, Bobo Souaibo, Lamine Yerima, Andoulaye Yero, Amaoua Abdoulaye.

Andre-Marie Mbida’s party platform was basically a coalition of tribal groups which elected Gaston Medou & Ebo Ndoundoumou (Action Paysanne de Dja et Lobo); Marigoh Mboua, Ndibo Mbarsola (Defense des Interests de Lom et Kadei); Pierre Yinda, Yakana Jacques (Union Social pour la Lumiere, le Progres et Fraternite du Mbam); Jean-Baptiste Mabaya, Pierre Ninekam (Independante pour la Defense des Interests du Pays du Haut-Nkam). Also elected were Chief Djoumessi Mathias, Marcel Lagarde (Défense des Interests Bamiléké in Dschang ; Etienne Djuatio, Imatha Jean (Defense des Interests de Mbouda); Kamga Joseph, Pierre Ngayewang, Samuel Wanko (Union et Progress Bamileke in Bafoussam); Ekwabi Ewane, Gaston Behle (Auctotones des Moungo); Charles Assale, Francois Obam (Union Nationale in Ntem Valley) and Betote Akwa, Soppo Priso in Wouri. Needless to say there was no political party in Southern Cameroons, created to specifically articulate and defend tribal or sectional interests.

Besides, while French Camerounians were electing Frenchmen to represent them in parliament, the March 1957 elections into the SCHA produced a constellation of candidates representing the different political parties which served as platforms for nation-building ideas and a breeding ground for leadership and policy articulation. There was a robust opposition which was the motor-force of democracy. In Victoria Division, Dr. EML Endeley (KNC) and PM Motomby-Wolete (KPP) were elected. NN Mbile (KPP) and FN Ajebe Sone (KNC) were elected in Kumba; Ambrose Fonge (KNDP) and SA Arrey (KNC) emerged from Mamfe. In Bamenda Division, ST Muna (KNC), VT Lainjo (KNC) and JN Foncha (KNDP) were elected; in Wum, two KNDP stalwarts, AN Jua and P Mua were elected; in Nkambe, Ando-Seh (KNC) and P Nsakwa (KNDP) were elected. Five of the six elected NA members were KNC – JM Mukambi (Kba), TC Lekunze (Mfe), HD Tankoh Tah (Bda), JE Kum (Wum) and W Nformi (Nkambe). John Manga-Williams (Victoria) was an Independent. Power alternation was one of the cornerstones of Southern Cameroons democracy because of the presence of a strong opposition with a distinct ideology and policy to the governing party.

Such a vibrant opposition was nonexistent in French Cameroun. For example, in the April 1960 elections into ALCAM, there were no competitions for the 44 seats in the North where Ahidjo’s UC party held sway. Once Ahidjo with the support of Aujoulat took over the UC leadership from Ninine Jules, his strategy was to cripple the opposition. By 1963, Ahidjo had virtually stifled all political parties and there was just one party in French Cameroun. In a streak of authoritarian madness, Ahidjo then undertook an insidious lynching of West Cameroon democracy in 1966 when all political parties were disbanded to form the CNU. The Federal Republic of Cameroon officially became a one-party state. Going forward, power, money and vanity became instruments of statecraft in the hands of CNU barons.

In addition, the Southern Cameroons civil service was very apolitical. Cabinet Secretaries were career politicians but the bureaucracy was run by Permanent Secretaries, who were not allowed to participate in politics. This tradition was maintained after unification as PJ Alpress, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Natural Resources was appointed Chief Electoral Officer for the first post-independence election under the federated state of West Cameroon in December 1961. The reverse was true in French Cameroon where at independence in I960, a civil servant, Ahmadou Ahidjo, was handpicked by the French to become head of state. The tribalism, impunity, nepotism, abusive patronage and notorious corruption that is the official currency of governance in Cameroon today had its roots deeply embedded in the political culture of French Cameroun, where political leaders drew their electoral strength from tribal associations like Ngondo (Soppo Priso); Kumze (Chief Djoumessi Mathias); Bassa Mpo’o (Mayi Matip); Efoula Meyong (Charles Assale) and Koupé (Ekwabi Ewane).

And unlike in East Cameroun where traditional rulers were appointed by the colonial government and forced to wear official uniforms with ranks on their epaulets, the West Cameroon House of Chiefs was an integral part of the governance architecture and served as a quasi-upper legislative chamber. It is trite to say that there can be no democracy without democrats. Southern Cameroons having entrenched the democratic culture and ethos, a man could leave office, but the institution stays. In circumstances such as this, there is usually a predilection to invoke primordial sentiments that are inimical to nation-building. To the ordinary Francophone, government is a profit-making business and political power is a selfish tribal equation, where holders of high public office have to cater to the tribe above all else. Southern Cameroonians see high public office as a call to service; whereas to Francophones, a cabinet appointment is an invitation to “come and chop.” It was normal for an incoming Minister in French Cameroun to replace all his top-ranking collaborators with his tribesmen because “it is their turn to chop.” In such situation, the stress to governance and efficient delivery of democracy dividends from sycophancy, indiscipline, corruption and mediocrity cannot be over-emphasized.

Despite the preachments of Francophone politicians about the imperative of a one, united and indivisible Cameroon, the ethnic reactionary politics of self-preservation still pervades their psyche. A very telling situation that was a national embarrassment was when President Biya publicly declared all-out war against Anglophone terrorists. That Biya would descend to such shameless demonization of Anglophones, especially amid the ongoing genocide when the nation is in mourning and sober soul-searching, is the height of insensitivity and sheer dishonor for the dead and brutalized. In the judgment of an average sense of decency, Biya’s action is a moral weakness of asinine proportion.

In conclusion, a nation can never outgrow the performance of its leader. Such is Cameroon’s tragedy at the moment. The failure of leadership by the President, who by authority is assumed to be the father of the nation, is highly disturbing. If the president views Anglophones with such hatred, does it therefore surprise anyone why some of the president’s henchmen have been beating the drums of war? Given his apathetic refusal to dialogue, Biya wittingly or unwittingly sent a message of disdain and unwelcome to all Anglophones, including those in his cabinet, that they are terrorists, instead of patriotic citizens with a different vision on how the nation should be governed. Biya’s depth of ill feeling towards Anglophones is unhealthy for a nation in distress. He must therefore be told in whatever language he understands that Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon are not one, united and indivisible; never were, and never will be one, united and indivisible!

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Cameroon: Nso: Titles in the Paramount Fondom of Nso (part 4) Yah

If you missed part one to three on Nso Titles, do not worry, you can still read part 1 here; part 2 here; and part 3 here;

II-3. YAH

There are many categories of Yahs, almost all of whom derived directly from the palace in earlier years. Of late, beginning with Ngah Bifon I (1910-1947) Yahships have been awarded to certain important lineages without regard to direct derivation from the royal lineage.

Yah Yefons

The highest-ranking Yah is Yah Yefon (Fengay or Queen Mother). She is the third ranking personality in the land (after Shufai Ndzendzev and Shufai Taankum) by status, administrative and religious function.

Upon assuming the throne the Fon appoints a Yah Yefon from among his female  children or  his sisters if his birth mother is no longer alive. Yah Yefon is treated like a Fon in all aspects except in special greeting (“bun”). She represents Yee Nso (Ngon Nso), the founder of the Nso dynasty.

The present Yah Yefons that are still alive today are; (At the time this article was written)

Yah Yefon Sehm Mbinglo I

Yah Yefon Ngah Bifon III

Yah Yefon Ngah Bifon II (Yah Adela Nsaidzeka Meyeh)

Yah Yefon Sehm III (Yah Rose Wirnkar)

Yah Yefon Ngah Bifon I (Yah wo Faa)

Yah Yefon Mapri (Yah wo Nso La)

The next Yah in rank is the Yah Yeewong  (mother of Nso). She is the second representative of  Yee Nso (Ngon Nso), the founder of the Nso dynasty.

When Ngon Nso died around 1421, her son Leh who assumed the throne created the title of Yeewong and Yefon to be combinable and held by a single individual. The two titles were later on separated with Yefon holding the higher title (very silently) and Yah Yeewong the next (very publicly) with  a rank equal to Fai Taawong who is also appointed by the new Fon at the same time as Yeewong.

 A few Yah Yewongs that are still alive today are:

Yah Yeewong Sehm Mbinglo I (Yewong wo Ntoh Nso)

Yah Yeewong Ngah Bifon III

Yah Yeewong Ngah Bifon II

Yah Yeewong Ngah Bifon I (Yeewong wo Kim Kikaikom)

Yah Yeewong Sehm II (Yeewong wo Jem)

Most Yahs of status in Nso today are descendants (inherited) of former Yah Yefons and Yah Yeewongs.

A few notable examples of these reigning Yahs are:

Yah wo Kai Jakiri (Successor of Yeewong wo Nturkui)

Yah wo Abakwa Jakiri (Successor of Yeewong wo Kih Kiyan)

Yah wo Mile 3 Bamenda (Successor of Yeewong wo Roo-Kong)

The next rank of  Yahs is based within the palace household, Yah Nkonin and Yah Yeela (leaders of the Fon’s senior wives – Kfem se Fon). They act as managers of the Fon’s household. These two Yahs must be of Mtaar origin. They also organize the Fon’s farm work in collaboration with the Yeesums.

Every Shufaiship of high standing and with historical underpinnings can also have a Yah. A famous Yah in this category is Yah wo Taankum. It is still unclear why some of the big Shufaiships are allowed to create secondary Yahships but the lineages themselves do not have a Yah of the main lineage compound.

The last category of Yahs are those that are crowned by the Fon in collaboration with the Shufais or Fais. The process of naming and enthroning a Yah is very involved. The Fon cannot name a Yah without approval from the Yah’s lineage or extended family. The Yah needs to do the very public “kibunfon” and a grand “kitar yiy” for the family and the public at large to recognize her as a Yah of standing. Recent examples include the “kibunfon” carried out by Yah wo Shusum (Sov), and Yah wo Mbassy in Nso Palace.

Researched Shey Stephen Shemlon (PHD)

Complied and edited by Shey Tatah Sevidzem

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